diff --git a/articles/pylon_4_gonis_alabastrine_final/pass1.xml b/articles/pylon_4_gonis_alabastrine_final/pass1.xml new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4024a83 --- /dev/null +++ b/articles/pylon_4_gonis_alabastrine_final/pass1.xml @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +
An Antinoite Document of 181–183
Gonis, Nikolaos
University College London
n.gonis@ucl.ac.uk
The papyrus published in this article was purchased by the British Museum from the Cairo dealer M. Nahman in July 1921. It first became known to the world outside the Museum ninety years ago. H.I. Bell’s publication (Bell 1933) of papyri from Antinoopolis, with references to unpublished papyri that related to this city, prompted a long letter from U. Wilcken on 22.11.33. While working on the future P.Würzb. 8 and 9, Wilcken had developed a new hypothesis on the administrative status of the region of Antinoopolis, and asked Bell whether there was anything relevant among the London inedita. Bell obliged by supplying information that lent support to Wilcken’s views. Bell’s letter is not available, but Wilcken’s response on 7.1.34 acknowledged it as ‘extraordinarily valuable’ ( The two letters are kept in British Library Add. MS 59522, folios 206–210; I have read them on photocopies. An edition of Wilcken’s letters is in progress (cf. Essler 2016). One other unpublished papyrus mentioned in P.Würzb., viz. P.Lond. inv. 2288, has been edited by Susan Fogarty and will appear in Tyche 38 (2023).außerordentlich wertvoll) to his work.
What remains is the top of the papyrus, with a small part missing on the left side. Two hands are visible. One wrote an address to a procurator Caesaris (name lost) by Stephanos son of Apollonios, who originated from Alabastrine in the nomarchy of Antinoopolis (lines 1–2). Another, more compact hand wrote a document that begins with the same Stephanos addressing a nomarch of Antinoopolis (name also lost). This is followed by a reference to the prefect Veturius Macrinus in the dative, which implies that a petition was mentioned and probably appended; cf. the contemporary P.Fam.Tebt. 43 (182), a petition to a nomarch of Antinoopolis which includes a petition to an epistrategus. The papyrus breaks off at this point. The two addresses do not appear to be part of one and the same text; nothing seems to have been lost between lines 2 and 3, and the hands are different. Perhaps the first two lines were added to the top margin after the document addressed to the nomarch was written, for whatever reason.
The prefect D. Veturius Macrinus is attested in office between 4 July 181 and April/May 183 (Faoro 2015: 123f.), which provides the basis for the dating of the text. The procurator Caesaris may have been a procurator usiacus, making this a late instance of the use of this appellation for this official (see 1 n., §*). The text also offers an early reference to the village as Alabastrine, not Alabastron polis (see 2 n. , §*), and is the sole evidence of its position in the Antinoite administrative district (νομαρχία) prior to the late fourth century.
The text is written along the fibres. The papyrus is mounted and the back is presumably blank. There is a sheet join running vertically close to the right edge. The ink traces before it look like offsets.
<S=.grc<=
1. $m2 [ca.12] ἐπιτρόπῳ̣ τοῦ κυρίου Καίσαρος
2. [παρὰ Στεφάνου] Ἀ̣πολλωνίου ἀπὸ Ἀλαβαστρίνης τῆς Ἀντινόου νομαρχίας
3. $m1 [ca.10] ([νομάρ]χ(ῃ)) Ἀντινόου πόλεως vac.? παρὰ Στεφάνου Ἀπολλωνίου ἀπὸ Ἀλαβαστρίνης νομαρχίας Ἀντινόου
4. [ca.12] [Ο]ὐ̣ετουρίῳ Μακρίνῳ̣ [τ]ῷ̣ λαμπροτάτῳ̣ [ἡγε]μ̣όνι δ̣ια̣.2[ca.7].1λ̣ων.2[ca.6]
5. [ca.17].1αυτη.1[ca.7].1ανδ.1[.?]
6. lost.?lin =>
<T=.en<=
(hand 2) To …, procurator of lord Caesar, from Stephanos, son of Apollonios, from Alabastrine of the nomarchy of Antinoou.
(hand 1) To …, nomarch of the city of Antinoos, from Stephanos, son of Apollonios, from Alabastrine of the nomarchy of Antinoos. … to Veturius Macrinus, the clarissimus prefect, through(?) …
=>=T>
1 ἐπιτρόπῳ̣ τοῦ κυρίου Καίσαρος. P.Lond. inv. 2263, a lease of 99/100, from the same acquisition, is addressed to a procurator (ἐπιτρόπ(ῳ), l. 1) by farmers from Alabastron (Polis) (γεωργῶν ἀπὸ Ἀλαβάϲτρω(ν), l. 2). P.Lond. inv. 2277.4 refers to an ousia at Alabastrine in 153/154, suggesting that this may be a procurator usiacus; for the address, cf. e.g. P.Oxy. 43 3089.19 (146). If this holds, it represents a survival of the earlier way of referring to this official. Aelius Socraticus, attested between 151 and 155, was the last known procurator usiacus whose jurisdiction was unspecified, while P.Tebt. II 317.17 (174/175), τοῦ κρατίστου οὐσιακοῦ ἐπιτ[ρό]που, marks a new starting point; see Beutler 2007.
2 Στεφάνου] Ἀ̣πολλωνίου. Cf. 3. Not known from elsewhere.
Ἀλαβαστρίνης = TM Geo 2684. Cf. 3. This village was located in the northern part of the Hermopolite nome, on the east bank of the Nile; see most recently Eller 2022: 235–236. Third-century documents describe it as part of the Hermopolite nome (SB 13 13030.1–2 [205]; P.Lond. 3 1157va.14 [246]; P.Stras. 1 5.8 [262]; P.Oslo 3 134.7 (3rd c.) — see §*), but it belonged to the Antinoite nome in the late fourth and early fifth centuries, and probably later as well: Alabastrine is mentioned in SB 26 16491.19, a tax register of the early eighth century, alongside Antinoite villages. Additionally, there are references to the village in three other fragmentary papyri from the same acquisition in the British Library: P.Lond. inv. 2263.2 (see 1 n., §*), 2276.3 (see Appendix), and 2277.1 (153/154) ἀπὸ Ἀλαβ(αστρίνης), 3 περὶ κωμογρ(αμματείαν) Ἀλαβ(αστρίνης).
Drew-Bear 1979: 57 suggested that three copies of a census declaration of 161, namely P.Oslo 3 99 = SB 20 14668 and P.Mich. inv. 158 = SB 20 14666–SB 20 14667, came from Alabastrine and not from Alabanthis, as previously thought. Bagnall 1990: 9–10 (= BL 9.176) later (re)confirmed the Antinoite origin of this declaration, but without referring to Drew-Bear’s discussion. The declarant recurs in P.Lond. inv. 2277 (153/154); although the name of the village is abbreviated, its association with a group of papyri from Alabastrine is significant. Furthermore, it seems possible to me, on the basis of the online image, to read Ἀλα[βαστρί]ν̣η̣ς intead of Ἀλα[βανθί]δ̣ος in SB 20 14666.ii.2. Another disputed occurrence is P.Oslo 3 134.7 (3rd c.) Ἀλαβαντ̣ί̣δ̣[ος], later read as Ἀλαβασ̣τ̣ρ̣ε̣[ίνης] (BL 8.229–230), probably correctly (see the online image; Gagos–van Minnen 1992: 192 n. 11 = BL 10.134 defended the original reading based on the presumed occurrence of Alabanthis in SB 20 14666–SB 20 14668).
τῆς Ἀντινόου νομαρχίας: νομαρχίας Ἀντινόου in l. 3. Wilcken’s discussion in P.Würzb., pp. 53–58, remains useful, but some parts require revision. For example, he posited that the nomarchy was part of the Hermopolite nome, which would explain the shifting administrative affiliation of Alabastrine, but evidence published later suggests otherwise; cf. Thomas 1974: 401. (Wilcken’s assumption that P.Iand. 7 140 provided additional support for his ideas relied on readings that were subsequently corrected; see BL 6.57.) For a list of references to the nomarchy, see Eller 2022: 240.
3 [ ca.10 νομάρ]χ(ῃ) Ἀντινόου πόλεως. Cf. P.Fam.Tebt. 43.19 (182) Ἀρτεμιδώρῳ νομάρχῃ Ἀντινόου πόλεως. On this office, see Thomas 1982: 106, 110; cf. Eller 2022: 238 n. 99.
4 [ ca.12 Ο]ὐ̣ετουρίῳ Μακρίνῳ̣ [τ]ῷ̣ λαμπροτάτῳ̣ [ἡγε]μ̣όνι δ̣ια̣ ̣ ̣[. A common way of introducing embedded petitions is οὗ ἐπ(ιδ)έδωκα
APPENDIX
I publish here a fragmentary papyrus acquired with the one edited above because it may offer the earliest attestation of the toponym ‘Alabastrine’. The document appears to be a petition or possibly a declaration addressed to an authority, but too little has survived to form a coherent narrative. Sarapion, whose name is flanked by blank spaces, would have held an official position; a Roman
The text is written along the fibres. The papyrus back is not visible and presumably blank.
<S=.grc<=
1. [.?] vac.? Σαραπίωνι vac.? [.?]
2. [.?]λίων Μαξίμου τοῦ̣ [.?]
3. [.?] [ἐ]ν Ἀλαβαστρίνῃ ἔτι [.?]
4. [.?] [ἀπη]λλαχότι εἰς τὸ συν[.?]
5. [.?]τος εἰς τὸ ιδ ((ἔτος)) ει[.?]
6. [.?] δ̣ιὰ προστάγματος [.?]
7. [.?] [πρα]γ̣μάτων ἀπηλλ[α][.?]
8. [.?]μης δυνάμεω[ς] [.?]
9. <:[.?]ς|alt|[.?] [δραχμὰ(?)]ς:> <#<:χιλίας|reg|χειλίας:>=1000#> .1[.?]
10. [.?] [πρ]οστάγματ[.?]
11. [.?]λ̣ι̣.2ας <#φ̣π=580(?)#> [.?]
12. lost.?lin =>
<T=.en<=
… to Sarapion … –lion, son of Maximus … at Alabastrine. Still … left(?) for … in/for the 14th year … through an edict … released(?) from troubles … force … one thousand (drachmas?) … edict … 580(?) …
=>=T>
1 Σαραπίωνι. The name is not borne by any Hermopolite or Antinoite official attested in or around a 14th year in the second century.
2 ]λίων Μαξίμου τοῦ̣ [. I have taken ]λίων to be the ending of a name; τοῦ̣ would introduce an alias (τοῦ̣ [καὶ
3 ἐ]ν Ἀλαβαστρίνῃ ἔτι. It may be that we have to punctuate after ἐ]ν Ἀλαβαστρίνῃ, which would mark the end of the prescript.
4 εἰς τὸ συν[. An articular infinitive of a compound of συν[.
6 δ̣ιὰ προστάγματος. Cf. 10 πρ]οστάγματ[.
7 πρα]γ̣μάτων ἀπηλλ[α-. Cf. SB 22 15350.4 (3rd c.) ἀ̣παλλ[ά]σσων αὐ[τ]ὸν τοῦ πράγματος; P.Oxy. 36 2768.23 (3rd c.) πραγμάτων ἀπαλλάχθαι; PSI 7 741.10 (3rd/4th c.) τὰ πράγματα ἀπαλλάξαι.
8 τῆς ἐ]μῆς δυνάμεω[ς is an easy guess but would be unparalleled in the papyri.
11 [.?]λ̣ι̣.2ας φπ[. λ̣ι̣ may also be read as ν̣. φ̣π[, if phi is correctly read (the shape is not common in this period), will be the number 580.
Bagnall, R. S. (1990) “Notes on Egyptian Census Declarations, I,” BASP 27: 1–14.
Bell, H.I. (1933) “Diplomata Antinoitica,”
Beutler, F. (2007 [2009]) “Wer war ein
Drew-Bear, M. (1979) Le Nome Hermopolite: Toponymes et Sites, Missoula.
Gagos, T. – P. van Minnen (1992) “Documenting the Rural Economy of Byzantine Egypt: Three Papyri from Alabastrine,” JRA 5: 186-202
Eller, A. (2022) Nomes et toparchies en Égypte gréco-romaine: réalités administratives et géographie religieuse d'Éléphantine à Memphis. Cairo.
Essler, H. (2016) “Wilckens Briefe an britische Kollegen,” Pap. Congr. XXVIII: 1351–1363.
Faoro, D. (2015) I prefetti d’Egitto da Agosto a Commodo. Bologna.
Thomas, J.D. (1974) “A New List of Nomes from Oxyrhynchus,” Pap. Congr. XIII: 397–403.
Thomas, J.D. (1982) The Epistrategos in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt. Part 2. The Roman Epistrategos. Opladen.
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/articles/pylon_4_gonis_alabastrine_final/pylon_4_gonis_alabastrine_final.xml b/articles/pylon_4_gonis_alabastrine_final/pylon_4_gonis_alabastrine_final.xml new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9940260 --- /dev/null +++ b/articles/pylon_4_gonis_alabastrine_final/pylon_4_gonis_alabastrine_final.xml @@ -0,0 +1,499 @@ + + + +unknown
+Converted from a Word document
+The papyrus published in this article was purchased by the British Museum from the Cairo dealer M. Nahman in July 1921. It first became known to the world outside the Museum ninety years ago. H.I. Bell’s publication (Bell 1933) of papyri from Antinoopolis, with references to unpublished papyri that related to this city, prompted a long letter from U. Wilcken on 22.11.33. While working on the future P.Würzb. 8 and 9, Wilcken had developed a new hypothesis on the administrative status of the region of Antinoopolis, and asked Bell whether there was anything relevant among the London inedita. Bell obliged by supplying information that lent support to Wilcken’s views. Bell’s letter is not available, but Wilcken’s response on 7.1.34 acknowledged it as ‘extraordinarily valuable’ ( The two letters are kept in British Library Add. MS 59522, folios 206–210; I have read them on photocopies. An edition of Wilcken’s letters is in progress (cf. Essler 2016). One other unpublished papyrus mentioned in P.Würzb., viz. P.Lond. inv. 2288, has been edited by Susan Fogarty and will appear in Tyche 38 (2023).
What remains is the top of the papyrus, with a small part missing on the left side. Two hands are visible. One wrote an address to a
The prefect D. Veturius Macrinus is attested in office between 4 July 181 and April/May 183 (Faoro 2015: 123f.), which provides the basis for the dating of the text. The
The text is written along the fibres. The papyrus is mounted and the back is presumably blank. There is a sheet join running vertically close to the right edge. The ink traces before it look like offsets.
+1 ἐπιτρόπῳ̣ τοῦ κυρίου Καίσαρος. P.Lond. inv. 2263, a lease of 99/100, from the same acquisition, is addressed to a procurator (ἐπιτρόπ(ῳ), l. 1) by farmers from Alabastron (Polis) (γεωργῶν ἀπὸ Ἀλαβάϲτρω(ν), l. 2). P.Lond. inv. 2277.4 refers to an
2 Στεφάνου] Ἀ̣πολλωνίου. Cf. 3. Not known from elsewhere.
+Ἀλαβαστρίνης = TM Geo 2684. Cf. 3. This village was located in the northern part of the Hermopolite nome, on the east bank of the Nile; see most recently Eller 2022: 235–236. Third-century documents describe it as part of the Hermopolite nome (SB 13 13030.1–2 [205]; P.Lond. 3 1157va.14 [246]; P.Stras. 1 5.8 [262]; P.Oslo 3 134.7 (3rd c.) — see §*), but it belonged to the Antinoite nome in the late fourth and early fifth centuries, and probably later as well: Alabastrine is mentioned in SB 26 16491.19, a tax register of the early eighth century, alongside Antinoite villages. Additionally, there are references to the village in three other fragmentary papyri from the same acquisition in the British Library: P.Lond. inv. 2263.2 (see 1 n., §*), 2276.3 (see Appendix), and 2277.1 (153/154) ἀπὸ Ἀλαβ(αστρίνης), 3 περὶ κωμογρ(αμματείαν) Ἀλαβ(αστρίνης).
+Drew-Bear 1979: 57 suggested that three copies of a census declaration of 161, namely P.Oslo 3 99 = SB 20 14668 and P.Mich. inv. 158 = SB 20 14666–SB 20 14667, came from Alabastrine and not from Alabanthis, as previously thought. Bagnall 1990: 9–10 (= BL 9.176) later (re)confirmed the Antinoite origin of this declaration, but without referring to Drew-Bear’s discussion. The declarant recurs in P.Lond. inv. 2277 (153/154); although the name of the village is abbreviated, its association with a group of papyri from Alabastrine is significant. Furthermore, it seems possible to me, on the basis of the online image, to read Ἀλα[βαστρί]ν̣η̣ς intead of Ἀλα[βανθί]δ̣ος in SB 20 14666.ii.2. Another disputed occurrence is P.Oslo 3 134.7 (3rd c.) Ἀλαβαντ̣ί̣δ̣[ος], later read as Ἀλαβασ̣τ̣ρ̣ε̣[ίνης] (BL 8.229–230), probably correctly (see the online image; Gagos–van Minnen 1992: 192 n. 11 = BL 10.134 defended the original reading based on the presumed occurrence of Alabanthis in SB 20 14666–SB 20 14668).
+τῆς Ἀντινόου νομαρχίας: νομαρχίας Ἀντινόου in l. 3. Wilcken’s discussion in P.Würzb., pp. 53–58, remains useful, but some parts require revision. For example, he posited that the nomarchy was part of the Hermopolite nome, which would explain the shifting administrative affiliation of Alabastrine, but evidence published later suggests otherwise; cf. Thomas 1974: 401. (Wilcken’s assumption that P.Iand. 7 140 provided additional support for his ideas relied on readings that were subsequently corrected; see BL 6.57.) For a list of references to the nomarchy, see Eller 2022: 240.
+3 [ ca.10 νομάρ]χ(ῃ) Ἀντινόου πόλεως. Cf. P.Fam.Tebt. 43.19 (182) Ἀρτεμιδώρῳ νομάρχῃ Ἀντινόου πόλεως. On this office, see Thomas 1982: 106, 110; cf. Eller 2022: 238 n. 99.
+4 [ ca.12 Ο]ὐ̣ετουρίῳ Μακρίνῳ̣ [τ]ῷ̣ λαμπροτάτῳ̣ [ἡγε]μ̣όνι δ̣ια̣ ̣ ̣[. A common way of introducing embedded petitions is οὗ ἐπ(ιδ)έδωκα
I publish here a fragmentary papyrus acquired with the one edited above because it may offer the earliest attestation of the toponym ‘Alabastrine’. The document appears to be a petition or possibly a declaration addressed to an authority, but too little has survived to form a coherent narrative. Sarapion, whose name is flanked by blank spaces, would have held an official position; a Roman
The text is written along the fibres. The papyrus back is not visible and presumably blank.
+1 Σαραπίωνι. The name is not borne by any Hermopolite or Antinoite official attested in or around a 14th year in the second century.
+2 ]λίων Μαξίμου τοῦ̣ [. I have taken ]λίων to be the ending of a name; τοῦ̣ would introduce an alias (τοῦ̣ [καὶ
3 ἐ]ν Ἀλαβαστρίνῃ ἔτι. It may be that we have to punctuate after ἐ]ν Ἀλαβαστρίνῃ, which would mark the end of the prescript.
+4 εἰς τὸ συν[. An articular infinitive of a compound of συν[.
+6 δ̣ιὰ προστάγματος. Cf. 10 πρ]οστάγματ[.
+7 πρα]γ̣μάτων ἀπηλλ[α-. Cf. SB 22 15350.4 (3rd c.) ἀ̣παλλ[ά]σσων αὐ[τ]ὸν τοῦ πράγματος; P.Oxy. 36 2768.23 (3rd c.) πραγμάτων ἀπαλλάχθαι; PSI 7 741.10 (3rd/4th c.) τὰ πράγματα ἀπαλλάξαι.
+8 τῆς ἐ]μῆς δυνάμεω[ς is an easy guess but would be unparalleled in the papyri.
+11 [.?]λ̣ι̣.2ας φπ[. λ̣ι̣ may also be read as ν̣. φ̣π[, if phi is correctly read (the shape is not common in this period), will be the number 580.
+This file encoded to comply with EpiDoc Guidelines and Schema version 8
+© Duke Databank of Documentary Papyri. This work is licensed under a + Creative + Commons Attribution 3.0 License.
+© Heidelberger Gesamtverzeichnis der griechischen Papyrusurkunden Ägyptens. This work is licensed under + a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License.
+The contents of this document are generated from SOSOL.
++(hand 2) To …, procurator of lord Caesar, from Stephanos, son of Apollonios, from Alabastrine of the nomarchy of Antinoou. + (hand 1) To …, nomarch of the city of Antinoos, from Stephanos, son of Apollonios, from Alabastrine of the nomarchy of Antinoos. … to Veturius Macrinus, the clarissimus prefect, through(?) … +
This file encoded to comply with EpiDoc Guidelines and Schema version 8
+© Duke Databank of Documentary Papyri. This work is licensed under a + Creative + Commons Attribution 3.0 License.
+© Heidelberger Gesamtverzeichnis der griechischen Papyrusurkunden Ägyptens. This work is licensed under + a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License.
+The contents of this document are generated from SOSOL.
++… to Sarapion … –lion, son of Maximus … at Alabastrine. Still … left(?) for … in/for the 14th year … through an edict … released(?) from troubles … force … one thousand (drachmas?) … edict … 580(?) … +